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The end of George Osborne’s ideological mismanagement of UK public finance brings relief.
In the medium and long term Brexit may inflict its economic revenge, but a recession by accepted definition remains unlikely this calendar year.
The exit of Britain could contribute not to disintegration but a consolidation of authoritarian governance in the European Union.
Broad opposition in Europe to the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership has prompted its supporters to summon the “protectionist” spectre.
As a confirmed Remainer I watched with some dismay Chancellor George Osborne’s high-profile defence of British membership in the European Union.
The Six-Pack contains the economic equivalent of a pernicious snake oil, a witch’s brew to turn minor fiscal problems into recessionary downturns.
The successfully long-running Chancellor of Osb charade seems at last to have hit the buffers, over-burdened by banal rhetoric, missed targets, and ever-more blatant pandering to the rich...
Debate over the referendum on UK membership in the European Union has begun with polemics from all sides. Sorting the arguments into categories of good, bad and ugly is not easy.
Remember Sisyphus? George Osborne’s economic policies are the rock and we do the pushing.
The new generation of treaties seek to make the final leap – global privatization of the public sector and an end to accountability to democratic processes.
The chancellor will inflict his next budget on us in less than a month.
The UK economy is deep into a Tory-dug fiscal trap.
Despite being born in Brooklyn, Bernie Sanders fits easily into the Vermont radical tradition.
Is there any merit in the allegation that finance capital "the City" rules Britain?
Almost fifty ears ago Paul Samuelson is alleged to have quipped that the US stock market had predicted nine of the last five recessions. If valid in the 1960s, this one-liner is no longer.
Today, Brazil finds itself enmeshed in the worst economic contraction in a generation, coupled with a political deadlock fuelled by a parade of corruption scandals.
A review of fiscal policy for 2015 shows what we should expect. The UK economy remains demand-constrained, and the Chancellor’s policies made that straitjacket ever tighter.
Should the Socialists, Podemos and others now put together an anti-austerity policy (or Podemos does it alone after a future election) will it meet the same fate as Syriza in Greece?
In a major journalistic scoop The Guardian revealed on the 15th of December that Scots, or at least their government, spends like drunken sailors.
The details of George Osborne’s “recovery” indicate something seriously rotten in the British economic system.
Members of the network Economists for Rational Economic Policies (EREP) - Professor John Weeks, Dr Jo Michell, Ann Pettifor, and Jeremy Smith - give their reactions to the Chancellor's speech.
It seems that the more often the Chancellor fails to reach the target he set for himself the more he is pleased with himself.
Restoring public services through greater current spending, combined with public investment, is the social democratic route to national enrichment.
The optimistic assertion that the Eurozone clawed out of deflation in the third quarter of this year represents a lack of understanding of inflation measures and market economies.
Most individuals and most households should view a falling price level with considerable alarm.
The way out is obvious to those not blinkered by the austerity ideology.
Deficits decline as result of a growing economy, not vice-versa as the chancellor seems to believe.
In the political debate over deficits confusion has crowded out good sense.
The rational approach to fiscal decisions is to balance policy not budgets.
Over the last several weeks attacks on Jeremy Corbyn have gathered pace.
The prevailing approach to economic policy and to the public sector are at risk as a direct result of Corbyn proposing effective policies that do not “add up” in the neoliberal sense.
It appears that the source of Jeremy Corbyn’s radicalism and the outrage his candidacy provokes in the Labour elite lies not in his policies.
The recent statement from Jeremy Corbyn that "austerity is a policy choice not economic necessity" provides a welcome return to serious discussion in the Labour leadership debate.
The conviction that the public sector should have a special status such that a deficit is a problem that needs solving is based on ideology not analysis.
Those in Greece whose hope is that the Third Bailout has bought them time for a better deal with the Troika in the future might reflect on the outcome of the third Punic War.
The negotiations between the Troika and Greece are a sham. Greek submission to the neoliberal EU project or forced exit was the Troika game plan from the moment Syriza formed a government.
Expenditure reduction leads to falling household incomes, contraction in public services and a rising incidence of poverty, all without progress toward a reduction in the nominal public debt.
Britain is divided with the SNP landslide in Scotland and Conservative majority in England – and their economic policies are polar opposites.
Nicola Sturgeon and her party offer a sound policy to stimulate growth that would progressively reduce the fiscal deficit. Like so many good ideas in politics, it is destined not to be implemented.
Since the Coalition took government in May 2010 what has been the league ranking of the UK economy as measured by growth rates? Is the Osborne/Cameron claim, "UK's on first", verified empirically?
Rises in house prices and rents is far from uniform across the country. But how might this affect voters?
David Cameron and chancellor George Osborne are not attempting to “woo older voters”. Among the retired they woo the same constituency they woo in the country as a whole – the rich.
A defence that argues that 'it depends on how you measure it' does not wash.
The “deficit halved” claim is dubious at best. Even the true-blue Daily Mail found it difficult to swallow. As well it might, because the claim is demonstrably false.
Discussion and debate over public finances in Britain are currently driven by a reactionary government that is much further to the right that we realize.
A bit of simple logic and equally simple economics demonstrates that the deficit reduction arguments are pure ideology.
Top of the agenda right now seems to be regaining public trust in Labour’s ability to run the economy.
The problem is not default, the problem is the absence of an international mechanism to bring it about in an orderly manner.
Growing inequality everywhere enhances the power of those opposed to social protection, equal access to health care and education, and eliminating discrimination.
Has recovery come to the largest countries of the euro zone? No, because austerity has depressed public sector demand.
We need to understand China in the context of a rise of authoritarian political parties and governments throughout the world.
What the long delayed growth demonstrates is that even under the most incompetent economic management, market economies at some point begin to recover.
It's possible that a society of educated people is likely to be more cultured and scientific-minded than one of non-graduates, and this should have positive externalities in the form of better political discourse and higher culture. There is, however, little evidence of this in practice.
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